Although Bangladesh has existed as an independent country only since the late 20th century, its national character within a broader South Asian context dates to the ancient past. The country’s history, then, is intertwined with that of India, Pakistan, and other countries of the area. The land of Bangladesh, mainly a delta formed by the Padma (Ganges [Ganga]) and the Jamuna (Brahmaputra) rivers in the northeastern portion of the Indian subcontinent, is protected by forests to the west and a myriad of watercourses in the centre. As such, it was long the inaccessible frontier beyond the north Indian plain and therefore was home to a distinctive regional culture. In early times a number of independent principalities flourished in the region—called Bengal—including Gangaridai, Vanga, Gauda, Pundra, and Samatata, among others. In the 14th century Shamsuddin Ilyas Shahwas instrumental in unifying many of these principalities. The Mughals added more territories, including Bihar and Orissa (now states of India), to constitute Suba Bangalah, which the British colonial administration later called the Bengal Presidency. In 1947, when British colonial rule ended, a downsized province of Bengal was partitioned into East Bengal and West Bengal. East Bengal was renamed East Pakistan in 1955, and in 1971 it became Bangladesh.
Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim dynasties until c. 1700
From the 3rd century BCE Buddhism flourished as the Mauryanemperors extended their influence in Bengal. Under the Gupta kings, who reigned from the early 4th to the late 6th century CE, Hinduism reestablished its hold, but Buddhism did not fully disappear. The two religions coexisted under the Pala (8th–12th century) dynasty, as well as under the Chandra (10th–11th century) dynasty in the southeast. By the end of the 11th century, the Senas, who were strongly Hindu, had gained control over a large part of Bengal.
As early as the 9th century, Arab traders had taken Islam to Bengal. About 1200, Muslim invaders from the northwest overthrew the Senas. Muslim rule culminated in the Mughal dynasty (16th–18th century). In eastern Bengal, as in much of the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, Islam became the religion of the majority.
Muslim rule in Bengal promoted a society that was not only pluralistic but also syncretic to some degree. The rulers largely remained uninterested in preaching religion; rather, they concentrated on incorporating local communities into the state system. In their administration, high office holders, influential traders, eminent literati, and musicians came from diverse religious traditions. Nevertheless, practitioners of Sufism (mystical Islam) and Muslim saints did indeed preach Islam, and Muslim settlers received patronage. Although high-caste Hindus received land grants under early Muslim rule, under the Mughals most grants were awarded to Muslim settlers. These settlers developed an agrarian economy in Bengal that ultimately helped the spread of Islam. Meanwhile, the extensive interaction between Islam and Hinduism was reflected in social behaviour and the flourishing of various cults, notably that of the Hindu saint Caitanya (1486–1533). In contrast to more orthodox forms of Hinduism, the Caitanya sect—like Islam—was open to all members of society, regardless of caste or social rank.
Under the Mughals the political boundaries of Bengal expanded to become Suba Bangalah (the Province of Bengal), and economic activity increased.
The British period, c. 1700–1947
During the rule of the emperor Aurangzeb (reigned 1658–1707), the English East India Company was permitted to establish its base at Calcutta (Kolkata). The British gained strength in the region as the Mughal empire weakened. In 1757, following a battle in the town of Plassey between forces led by British soldier Robert Clive and the Mughal nawab (viceroy) Sirāj-ud-Dawlah, the East India Company emerged as the dominant political power in Suba Bangalah. Under Gov.-Gen. Charles Cornwallis (served 1786–93), a permanent settlement system was established in the territory—now called the Bengal Presidency—whereby property rights were granted in perpetuity to local zamindars (landlords). This property policy indirectly stimulated the growth of a new landed middle class—especially in Calcutta—called the bhandralok. Initially, the bhandralok was dominated by upper-caste Hindus, but the Muslim presence began to increase toward the end of the 19th century. In time, this middle class emerged as the most active advocate of Indian self-government.
The province of Bengal was almost impossible to administer, even after Assam was made a separate province in 1874. In 1905, largely at the initiative of the viceroy George Nathaniel Curzon, two new provinces were created, ostensibly on a geopolitical basis; these provinces were Western Bengal, including Bihar and Orissa, and Eastern Bengal and Assam. With its capital at Calcutta, Western Bengal had a Hindu majority, while the province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, with its capital at Dhaka, was predominantly Muslim. Aside from increasing administrative efficiency, Curzon’s move was intended to position the Muslims as a counterweight to the Hindus.
The partition elicited vociferous protest in Western Bengal, especially in Calcutta, where the Indian National Congress (also called the Congress Party; formed in 1885) played a prominent role. Indian Muslim leaders, however, mostly supported the partition, and in 1906 they gathered at Dhaka under the patronage of Nawab Salimullah and set up the All-India Muslim League. Their efforts secured separate electorates and separate constituencies for the Muslims under the constitutional reforms of 1909, but they could not save the partition. In 1912 the partition was annulled, Bihar and Orissa were constituted into a new province, and Assam reverted to its separate status.Following the reunification of Bengal, the Congress Party and the Muslim League worked together for self-government; among the leaders of this effort were Nawab Salimullah, Chitta Ranjan Das, Fazl ul-Haq, and Sarat Chandra Bose. Communal animosities resurfaced in the early 1920s, however, in the wake of a failed nonviolent alignment between the Indian Muslim front known as the Khilafat Movement and the Hindu-led Indian nationalist Noncooperation Movement under Mohandas Karamchand (Mahatma) Gandhi. Consequently, in order to achieve political goals, it became necessary to adopt coalition tactics that would transcend communal antagonisms; the politician who proved most adept at this was Fazl ul-Haq, chief minister of Bengal from 1937 to 1943. He set up his own Peasants and Tenants (Krishak Proja) Party and formed a coalition with the Muslim League. In 1940, at the league’s annual gathering at Lahore, Fazl ul-Haq proposed the so-called “Pakistan Resolution,” demanding independent states for Muslims. The following year, however, he was expelled from the Muslim League; he formed a new coalition and continued to serve as chief minister.
In 1942 new rounds of political dialogue commenced, but no agreement could be reached. With legislative elections in 1946, the Muslim League returned to power under the leadership of Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, who subsequently became chief minister of Bengal. In August of that year an intense Muslim-Hindu communal conflict erupted in Calcutta, and it eventually spread well beyond the borders of Bengal. This event, combined with protracted and unfruitful discussions between the various groups, made the partition of India appear inevitable. Suhrawardy, Sarat Chandra Bose, and several other prominent political leaders reopened negotiations for a separate, independent, united Bengal.In March 1947 Louis Mountbatten became the last viceroy of British India, with a mandate to transfer powers. As plans were being formulated for the partition of India, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, a leading figure of the Muslim League, advocated for the formation of a united Bengal; Mountbatten was not against the idea, but Mahatma Gandhiand the Congress Party opposed it. When British colonial rule ended in August 1947, two new countries—India and Pakistan—were born, and Bengal was split between them. West Bengal went to India, and East Bengal formed the eastern wing of Pakistan, which was bisected by a vast tract of northern India.
The Pakistani period, 1947–71
Although the boundaries of East Bengal were based ostensibly on religion, they did not entirely reflect it. Owing to disagreements between the Hindu and Muslim contingents of the commission tasked with delimiting the province, the frontiers were ultimately determined by the head of the commission, Sir Cyril Radcliffe. Excluded wholly or partly from East Bengal were such Muslim majority districts as Murshidabad and Nadia; included, however, were Khulna, which was nearly half Muslim, and the Chittagong Hill Tracts, where Muslims constituted only a small fraction of the population. Even Sylhet, a predominantly Muslim district of Assam that joined Pakistan through a referendum, lost a part of its territory to India. The partition catalyzed large-scale migration on both sides of the new boundary as hundreds of thousands of people who believed themselves to be members of a threatened minority moved into what they perceived as a place of refuge. Along with Muslim Bengalis arriving in East Bengal from Hindu majority districts, there were many Muslims who came from other parts of India, mostly from Bihar.
Pakistan founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah delivering a speech.
Three Lions/Hulton Archive/Getty Images
Pakistan began as a parliamentary democracy with a constituentassembly that was charged with the dual function of drafting a constitution and serving as the new country’s legislative body; however, overbearing central leadership eventually nullified the system. Failing to earn the support of Jinnah, who had become the first governor-general of Pakistan, Suhrawardy stayed in India to work with Gandhi for communal harmony, and Khwaza Nazimuddin became chief minister of East Bengal. In the central government (based in the western wing of Pakistan) Bengalis held the majority in the legislative branch but had little representation in the executive. Physically and linguistically separated, the two parts of Pakistan had only tenuous links; their overriding common interest was fear of Indian domination. Jinnah and his advisers believed that unification might be achieved through a common language, Urdu, which was used in the army and administration. By 1948, however, Bengalis had begun to resent the nonacceptance of Bengali as an official language, the domination of the bureaucracy by non-Bengalis, and the appropriation of provincial functions and revenue by the central government.
During Jinnah’s tenure as governor-general, he maintained a powerful central government under his authority. When Jinnah died in 1948, Nazimuddin became governor-general, but the real power lay with Liaquat Ali Khan, the prime minister. When Liaquat was assassinated in October 1951, Nazimuddin succeeded him as prime minister and installed Ghulam Mohammad, a Punjabi, as governor-general. Ghulam Mohammad consolidated a coalition of civil and military forces in the central government and secured a virtual transfer of power from the politicians to the coalition, first by dismissing Nazimuddin (who still had a majority in the legislature) in 1953 and then by dismissing the entire constituent assembly shortly after the general elections of 1954. In those elections, almost all the seats had been won by the United Front, a coalition of opposition parties led largely by Fazl ul-Haq and his revamped Peasants and Tenants Party (now called the Peasants and Workers Party) and by Suhrawardy, who had made a comeback with a new party, the Awami League. In 1955 Ghulam Mohammad left office, and Maj. Gen. Iskandar Mirza, who had served both as governor in East Bengal and as a central minister, took office as governor-general. Under Mirza, East Bengal was renamed East Pakistan.
Liaquat Ali Khan.
Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
With a newly elected constituent assembly, Pakistan in 1956 at last adopted a constitution in which both the eastern and western wings of the country were equally represented. The new constitution also gave the federal government wide powers. Mirza became presidentand was obliged to appoint Suhrawardy, heading an Awami League coalition, as prime minister; by late 1957, however, Mirza had orchestrated Suhrawardy’s exit from office. In December of that year Firoz Khan Noon became the prime minister, with support from the Awami League.
In 1958 the government of Pakistan came under military control, and Mirza was exiled. The elite civil servants assumed great importance under the military regime, which adversely affected the country’s eastern wing. In 1947 there had been very few Bengali Muslims in the Indian Civil Service (ICS), whereas the western wing had produced several dozen. Although equal recruitment from the two wings was national policy, by 1960 only about one-third of the members of the Civil Service of Pakistan (successor to the ICS) were Bengalis. Moreover, the military installations were concentrated in West Pakistan, as was the bulk of economic aid and development.
Bengali discontent festered, finding a voice in Mujibur Rahman(popularly known as Sheikh Mujib). Like previous leaders, Mujib belonged to a landed family. He had been one of the founders of the Awami League in 1949 and became its leading figure after Suhrawardy’s death in 1963. A superb organizer and orator who was jailed repeatedly by the military, Mujib acquired an aura of martyrdom. Following a 1965 clash between India and Pakistan, primarily over control of territories in the Kashmir region of the western Himalayas, he announced a historic six-point demand for East Pakistani autonomy. When in December 1970 Yahya Khan, president of Pakistan and commander in chief of the armed forces, ordered elections, Mujib’s essentially separatist Awami League won 167 of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan in the National Assembly. This gave the league an overall majority in a chamber of 313 members. In West Pakistan the Pakistan People’s Party, led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, won 81 of 144 seats; Bhutto consequently saw himself as Mujib’s rival.
Throughout March 1971 Pres. Yahya Khan negotiated at length with Mujib in Dhaka while government troops poured in from West Pakistan. Then, on March 25, the army launched a massive attack; destruction was immense, and many students were among the casualties. Mujib was arrested and flown to West Pakistan. Most of the Awami League leaders fled, set up a government-in-exile in Calcutta (Kolkata), and declared East Pakistan the independent state of Bangladesh. Internal resistance was mobilized by some Bengali units of the regular army. Among the most notable of the resistance leaders was Maj. Zia ur-Rahman, who held out for some days in Chittagong before the town’s recapture by the Pakistani army. He then retreated to the border and began to organize bands of guerrillas. A different resistance was started by student militants, among whom Abdul Kader Siddiqi, with his followers, known as Kader Bahini, acquired a reputation for ferocity.
Some 10 million Bengalis, mainly Hindus, fled over East Pakistan’s frontier into India while the Indian government watched with alarm. The Awami League, which India supported, was a moderate middle-class body like the Congress Party; many guerrillas, however, were leftist and a cause of concern. With some of the major world powers taking sides—the United States and China for a united Pakistan, and the Soviet Union and India for an independent Bangladesh—the Indian army invaded both the western and eastern wings of Pakistan on Dec. 3, 1971. The Pakistani defenses surrendered on December 16, ensuring Bangladesh’s independence. A few days later, Yahya Khan was deposed in Pakistan and replaced by Bhutto; Mujib was released from jail and returned to Dhaka to a hero’s welcome.
Bangladesh since independence
In January 1972 Mujib was installed as the first prime minister of the new parliamentary government of Bangladesh, and Abu Sayeef Choudhury became president. Still troublesome, however, were various local paramilitary forces, known as Razakars, that supported the Pakistani cause. The Bengali Razakar force was called Al-Badr, while the Urdu-speaking force was known as Al-Shams. As Bangladeshi retribution against these pro-Pakistani forces ensued, Urdu speakers—known as Biharis, though most had been born locally rather than in Bihar—fled into enclaves where their numbers gave some security; nevertheless, many were killed. Hundreds of thousands of Biharis were placed in overcrowded refugee camps, where decades later many still awaited asylum in Pakistan.
Bangladesh’s constitution of 1973 provided for a secular state, a parliamentary form of government, a bill of rights, and a strong commitment to local government. Acceptance by the international community, however, presented a challenge. The initial application of Bangladesh to join the United Nations was vetoed by China; it was not until 1974 that Bangladesh was admitted to the organization. The new country confronted many other problems as well, including the restoration of transportation, communication, and international tradenetworks; the rehabilitation of the power supply; the revitalization of education, health, and population programs; and the resumption of agricultural and industrial production.
Elections held in 1973 gave Mujib a landslide majority, but the euphoria soon evaporated. Following a policy of economic socialism, the state had absorbed industries and businesses abandoned by Pakistanis, but economic troubles persisted. Prices escalated, scarcities continued, and in 1974 a great famine claimed tens of thousands of lives. Faced with crisis, Mujib abridged freedoms and became a virtual dictator; corruption and nepotism reached new depths. On Aug. 15, 1975, Mujib was assassinated along with most of his family. Right-wing pro-Pakistan army officers were behind the killing; some politicians also were involved in the conspiracy, and there were allegations of outside support. Unsure of their hold, the armed forces split into rival factions.
Another coup, in November 1975, brought Maj. Gen. Zia ur-Rahman into power. Once a freedom fighter, Zia now took an anti-India posture and favoured pro-Pakistan elements. In an effort to legitimize his power, he held a referendum in May 1977, received a vote of confidence, and assumed the office of president in 1978. After ensuring his control over the armed forces, Zia lifted martial law the following year. Although accused on some fronts of institutionalizing corruption in politics, Zia made notable achievements in the reconstruction and development of Bangladesh. He strengthened the military, empowered the bureaucracy, and improved law and order while emphasizing food production, irrigation, primary education, and rural development. He also initiated economic cooperation with nearby countries—efforts that led to the organization of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation in 1985. Nevertheless, military coup attempts continued, and on May 30, 1981, he was assassinated in Chittagong by some army officers.
The military high command in Dhaka did not lend support to the actions of the officers at Chittagong, and the conspirators were executed. Meanwhile, the civilian vice president, Abdus Sattar, was confirmed as president by a nationwide election in 1981, but he was ill, and real power was exercised by Lieut. Gen. Hussein Mohammad Ershad and a National Security Council. On March 24, 1982, Ershad ejected Sattar and took over as chief martial-law administrator. In December 1983 he assumed the office of president. To validate his authority he called elections for a National Assembly, and he formed his own National Party (Jatiya Party). In the election of May 1986, which was boycotted by many opposition parties, the National Partywon most of the seats in the legislature.
Confident that the army was now under control, Ershad withdrew martial law later that year and called for a presidential election in October. Once again, the main opposition parties—the Awami League, now led by Mujib’s daughter Sheikh Hasina Wazed, and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), headed by Khaleda Zia ur-Rahman, wife of the slain president—boycotted the election, and Ershad received the overwhelming majority of the vote.
The opposition parties began a campaign of strikes and demonstrations to force Ershad’s resignation. In the late 1980s the poor state of the country’s economy brought greater pressure on Ershad, and in December 1990, after weeks of violent antigovernment demonstrations, he finally agreed to step down. A caretaker government, headed by Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, was chosen by the opposition parties. In parliamentary elections held just two months later, the BNP emerged as the single largest block, and Khaleda became prime minister.
Among Khaleda’s achievements in office were the reinstatement through constitutional amendment of a parliamentary (as opposed to presidential) form of government and the advancement of the country’s economic and educational reform programs. Her tenure as prime minister was hampered, however, by strikes instigated by the Awami League and other opposition parties and by a cyclone in 1991 that killed some 130,000 people. The opposition frequently called for Khaleda’s resignation, demanding that a caretaker government be appointed and new elections held, but Khaleda resisted. In February 1996 general elections were held, and the BNP won an overwhelming victory; however, it was a hollow triumph, as only a small percentage of eligible voters had cast ballots, heeding a boycott called by the Awami League. Finally bowing to public pressure, Khaleda resigned about six weeks after the elections in favour of a caretaker government. In subsequent elections in June, the opposition swept to power, and Mujib’s daughter Hasina became prime minister.
Police detain an Awami League activist during a nationwide general strike, Dhaka, Bangl., April 2006.
By the end of Khaleda’s second term, scant progress had been made toward controlling corruption. She stepped down as prime minister in late 2006, transferring power to a caretaker administration until elections could be held early the following year. However, unrest between the BNP and the Awami League led the interim head of government to resign and to install a new caretaker administration before the polls opened. A state of emergency was declared, and the elections were canceled. The new caretaker government embarked on an aggressive program to rid the country of corruption prior to holding elections, which were scheduled for the end of 2008. Meanwhile, the ongoing political battles between Khaleda and Hasina were perceived by the administration to be a hindrance to the country’s stability, and in 2007 both women were arrested—Khaleda on charges of corruption and Hasina on charges of extortion. Both were released from custody in 2008. The Awami League prevailed in the elections held in late December, and in January 2009 Hasina again became prime minister.
A tribunal to try war crimes cases from the 1971 war of independence was set up in March 2010. The tribunal tried several leaders of the Awami League’s opposition, especially those of the Jamaat-e-Islami party, whose supporters and allies demonstrated in protest against what they saw as political targeting. In 2013 a court barred the party from participating in elections, saying its opposition to secularismwas unconstitutional.
General elections in January 2014 presented a major setback for democracy in Bangladesh. With growing concerns of corruption and the abuse of government tools to suppress the opposition, the BNP refused to participate in the elections unless certain demands were met that it said would ensure fair elections. The demands, which included putting a nonpartisan caretaker government in place to oversee the elections, were not met, and the BNP set out on a campaign to suppress turnout. When the elections took place, average turnout was just slightly more than half; in the capital, Dhaka, it was less than one-fourth. Turnout in past elections was typically above 80 percent.
Beginning in 2017, a wave of more than 700,000 Rohingya refugees entered Bangladesh, fleeing from genocide in neighbouring Myanmar and adding to the approximately 200,000 Rohingya who had previously arrived. The government received considerable international and domestic support for taking them in, but there were domestic concerns about Bangladesh hosting the Rohingya indefinitely. While the Awami League-led government had provided refuge for the Rohingya, it also pressured them into “voluntary repatriation” in November 2018, a move observers interpreted as an attempt to alleviate voters’ anxiety on the issue before the upcoming December elections.
The BNP and other opposition groups returned to the campaign trail in 2018, although they had set forth a list of demands that were again rejected by the Awami League. Among the concerns in this round was the imprisonment of Khaleda, which made her ineligible to lead the BNP in December’s polls. Many of the party’s candidates were imprisoned, disqualified, or assaulted, and more than 10,000 supporters were imprisoned in the lead-up to the election. The Awami League won a landslide victory, while the BNP won only a few seats. Hasina denied accusations of rigging the election, and blamed the BNP’s devastating loss on the party’s lack of leadership.
The political turmoil since independence ultimately has had little relevance to the country’s basic problems. The population of Bangladesh, which numbered about 71 million at the 1974 census, has more than doubled according to the 2011 census, despite large-scale emigration to neighbouring Assam and Tripura in India and a smaller exodus over the Arakan border with Myanmar. Agriculture and fishing are still the occupations of nearly half the labour force, and economic development has been largely confined to the environs of Dhaka and Chittagong.
0 Comments